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Published December 1999 |
ISBN: 1-903545-00-0 |
THE DAILY TELEGRAPH, AND COVERAGE
OF SUDAN:
ISLAMAOPHOBIA, POOR JOURNALISM OR BAD JUDGEMENT?
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On 26 May 1998, the Daily Telegraph
carried on its front page an article with the heading "Baroness
accuses Sudan of genocide". Inside the paper there was
an additional half-page article entitled "Khartoum's
'holy war' against Christian southerners turns into bloody
genocide'. In these articles Baroness Cox, the president of
Christian Solidarity Worldwide, claimed that she had seen
areas of Bahr al-Ghazal region which had recently been raided
by northerners. These attacks, she claimed, were a "systematic,
cynical, brutal policy of slaughter and destruction, which
I think add up to the genocide of the Dinka people".
The Daily Telegraph carried these claims unquestioningly,
without challenge or qualification, and without any commentary
by independent commentators or observers.
There are immediate concerns about the independence and objectivity
of Baroness Cox with regard to the issue of Sudan, which will
be addressed later on in this study. Let us assume, however,
that Baroness Cox had indeed been taken into an area and shown
the aftermath of an attack by, for want of a better term,
"northern" tribesmen. What was not mentioned by
Baroness Cox or the Daily Telegraph is the clear evidence
presented by Agence France Presse reports that whatever
incident she had seen the result of, had in turn been the
end result of similar attacks by the southern SPLA forces
with whom she so closely associates. The Agence France
Presse reporting, which presents one with the clear chronological
sequence of events absent from Baroness Cox's account in the
Daily Telegraph, is a matter of record:
- 7 May 1998 'Sudanese regime blames
tribal massacres on southern rebels' (News Article
by Agence France Presse on May 07, 1998 at 15:05:13).
This article reported that government ministers in Kordofan
state had stated that rebel SPLA forces had carried out
several raids between 30 April and 5 May. These raids
had resulted in the massacre of 23 members of an Arab
tribe, and the theft of thousands of cattle. A Sudanese
parliamentary deputy also stated that in one month, the
SPLA had killed one hundred people and stolen more than
30,000 head of cattle. The deputy called on the government
to allow Arab tribes to form their own army to withstand
rebel attacks.
- 12 May 1998 'Official warns against
rebel raids on central Sudan tribes', (News Article
by Agence France Presse on May 12, 1998 at 10:53:08).
This article warned against further raids by southern
rebels on civilians in south Darfur and west Kordofan
regions. The federal Aviation Minister, Hamid Tourain,
from Darfur, stated that "acts of aggression by rebel
Kerubino forces on civilians were still going on till
yesterday." Mr Tourain warned against the consequence
of "ignoring" raids which he said could "inflame
the entire border strip between the south and north".
Civilians had been killed and thousands of cattle stolen
in attacks by the SPLA on the Arab Nissairiyah and Rizaiquat
tribes in south Darfur and west Kordofan. The Minister
stated that the fighting was between civilians and Kerubino's
men and that "information so far available indicates
participation by Garang men in the attacks on the unarmed
civilians in west Sudan."
- 29 May 1998 'Tribal 'knights' wreck
Sudanese rebel camps, recover livestock' (News Article
by Agence France Presse on May 29, 1998 at 09:05:34).
The commissioner of Ad Daen district in south Darfur,
Kamal Sidahmed, stated that 10 000 horsemen from the Rizaiqat
tribe have swept through SPLA camps, destroying them and
recovering tens of thousands of head of stolen livestock.
AFP reported that Sidahmed said that the tribesmen had
attacked SPLA camps in northern Bahr al-Ghazal "in
reprisal for rebel attacks and rustling last month".
- 26 May 1998 The claims made by Baroness
Cox, and published in the Daily Telegraph, that
she had visited an area in Bahr al-Ghazal which had been
the subject of a "raid" by Arab tribesmen.
The Kerubino referred to in the above news reports is Kerubino
Kuanyin Bol, an SPLA warlord active in Bahr al-Ghazal, who
had defected from the government's peace process. That Kerubino
had caused considerable instability in the region has also
been documented by independent sources. CNN reports in April
on the recent humanitarian crisis in Bahr al-Ghazal, for example,
stated that "aid agencies blame Sudanese rebel who switched
sides":
Observers say much of the recent chaos has resulted
from the actions of one man, Kerubino Kwanying Bol, a
founding member of the rebel movement.
In May 1998 Newsweek magazine, also quoting aid workers,
found Kerubino's involvement in destabilising Bahr al-Ghazal
clear:
Aid workers blame much of the south's recent anguish
on one man: the mercurial Dinka warlord Kerubino Kuanyin
Bol.
An Agence France Presse report in early May documented
some of the human suffering caused within northern communities
by SPLA raids led by Kerubino Kuanyin Bol. The information
minister of West Darfur, speaking in the first few days of
May, stated that there had been more than one hundred deaths,
and that 68 villages and encampments had been partially destroyed
in the raids. In one instance five thousand head of cattle
was said to have been slaughtered. Some 4,000 families were
said to have been affected with damage said to be in the region
of US$ 2 million.
There are two important questions which arise out of the Daily
Telegraph coverage. The first is whether or not the particular
snap-shot of circumstances seen and described by Baroness
Cox, was in fact the response by northern communities who
had themselves been provoked by raids by southern rebels some
short time before. If this actually was the case, as it would
seem to be on the basis of the Agence France Presse
reporting, then for the Daily Telegraph to have presented
these attacks as just coming out of the blue, as it were,
allegedly as part of some 'holy war', clearly presents a deeply
flawed, distorted and unbalanced picture of the circumstances.
The second question concerns the claim of genocide. Given
the sequence of events outlined above, Baroness Cox's claim
of genocide appears to be based on retaliatory raids by Arab
civilians, with or without government militia or army assistance,
on people, camps and villages associated with the SPLA raids
some short time before, a regrettable but identifiable cycle
of violence. The definition of genocide in the Concise
Oxford Dictionary is "deliberate extermination of
a race, nation, etc". The events above would indicate
that the violence reported on, and classified as genocide,
by Baroness Cox, and which occurred towards the end of May,
was to all intents and purposes a mirror image of "southern"
attacks in late April and early May. The question then to
asked both of Baroness Cox, but more importantly, of the Daily
Telegraph, given that as a newspaper of record it would
claim a degree of objectivity, is a simple one. Why
are the "southern" rebel attacks on Arab civilians
in late April and early May, attacks which resulted in considerable
deaths and destruction and theft of property, as reported
by AFP, not deemed to be "genocide", while what
appear to have been similar attacks in retaliation and response
are classified as "genocide"?
If the Daily Telegraph accepts that there were several
raids by Dinka tribesmen and/or SPLA forces into Arab communities
on Bahr al-Ghazal's borders with Darfur and Kordofan in late
April and the first week or two in May 1998, as reported by
Agence France Presse; and if the Daily Telegraph
accepts that in the course of these raids into Arab communities,
a large number of Arab civilians were said to have been killed
or "massacred", and tens of thousands of cattle
either slaughtered or stolen in these raids, as reported by
AFP; and if the Daily Telegraph accepts that at the
time of these "southern" raids, several local and
state officials and community leaders warned of the risk of
retaliation by the northern communities who had been attacked,
as reported by AFP, does the Daily Telegraph not accept
that what Baroness Cox may well have seen was a reaction,
as regrettable and tragic as it may have been, that saw Arab
tribesmen in turn attacking SPLA camps and villages presumably
both in retaliation, and in efforts to recover some of the
30,000 head of livestock said to have been stolen a week or
two previously?
There is little doubt that Baroness Cox was taken by her SPLA
associates to visit an area which may well have been the scene
of a retaliatory attack by Arab tribesmen. What is unclear
is how that scene would have differed from the scenes of devastation,
death and destruction that had been visited upon several Arab
communities two weeks or so previously by the SPLA. What is
also unclear is how, in that case, what Baroness Cox claims
to have seen amounts to genocide when she does not appear
to regard or define similar raids by "Christian"
southerners on northern Muslim communities within the same
two or three weeks as such. Leaving Baroness Cox and the Daily
Telegraph's dubious and questionable definition of genocide
aside, it would appear on face value that Baroness Cox and
the Daily Telegraph only consider such behavior to
be "genocide" if it is directed towards "Christian"
communities, and not if such behavior is directed at Muslim
communities.
Baroness Cox's lack of objectivity, and support for the
rebel movement in Sudan.
Baroness Cox is a supporter of the rebel movement in Sudan.
Baroness Cox, as president of the British branch of Christian
Solidarity International (as Christian Solidarity Worldwide
was then known), for example, has hosted two international
conferences for the rebel National Democratic Alliance, which
incorporates the SPLA. One was held in Bonn, in the Federal
Republic of Germany, in June 1994, and another was held in
the House of Lords in November 1995. On both occasions she
played a pivotal role in convening these conferences. Baroness
Cox chaired the 1995 conference in London. The final resolutions
of both conferences commended Baroness Cox's close involvement.
The resolution of the 1995 NDA conference, for example, contained
the following: "This Conference thanks Lady Cox for making
this meeting possible" and "This Conference thanks
and commends the efforts of CSI for convening this conference
and the 1994 Bonn Conference".
The Secretary General of the NDA in his speech at the London
NDA conference stated that he "would like to pay tribute
to Christian Solidarity International, its international president,
Reverend Hans Stuckleberger, and the Honourable Baroness Cox
for convening this conference.I should also like to extend
my thanks to Dr John Eibner for his dynamic organizational
skills and efforts in bringing us here today". John Eibner
is close CSI associate of Baroness Cox in her Sudan activities.
It is also a matter of record that the support by the then
British chapter of Christian Solidarity International, headed
by Baroness Cox, for the Sudanese rebels, its "association
with men bearing arms", has caused considerable disquiet
within other chapters of CSI. The Swiss French branch of CSI
has stated, for example, that it, and other Christian organisations
"cannot give any support to the demands of (CSI UK) because
CSI decided, in August 1996, that 'some Association with men
bearing arms (SPLA) might be necessary'".
Independent criticism of other claims made by Baroness
Cox about the government of Sudan
Allegations of slavery
Baroness Cox and Christian Solidarity International have repeatedly
claimed that the government of Sudan is pursuing a policy
of slavery in Sudan. It is a matter of record that independent,
professional human rights groups such as African Rights and
Anti-Slavery International, themselves very hostile to the
Sudanese government, have been very critical of these claims
by Baroness Cox and CSI.
Alex de Waal, as co-director of African Rights, for example,
clearly addressed this concern about the claims made by Christian
Solidarity International. He stated that although there were
no "slave markets in the 19th century image":
Nonetheless, overeager or misinformed human rights
advocates in Europe and the US have played upon lazy assumptions
to raise public outrage. Christian Solidarity International,
for instance, claims that "Government troops and
Government-backed Arab militias regularly raid black African
communities for slaves and other forms of booty."
The organization repeatedly uses the term "slave
raids", implying that taking captives is the aim
of government policy.This despite the fact that there
is no evidence for centrally organized, government-directed
slave raiding or slave trade.
In May 1997, an Anti-Slavery International report clearly
stated that: "the charge that government troops engage
in raids for the purpose of seizing slaves is not backed by
the evidence." Furthermore, the report stated that a
rigorous enquiry into allegations that the Sudanese government
is engaged in a slave trade: "would not be able to demonstrate
a policy of slave trading."
Baroness Cox and Christian Solidarity International have also
been party to regularly flying in journalists for visits to
alleged "slave markets" in Bahr al-Ghazal. Claims
by CSI, and these journalists, that these "markets",
which are located in SPLA-held areas of the province, and
whereby kidnapped southerners are bought back from their kidnappers
via a third party, somehow prove that slavery exists in Sudan
have also been criticised by human rights groups as "supporting.sensationalist
stereotypes". African Rights is clear: "They were
not in a slave market".
Not only are such claims at best a distortion, but they also
run the risk of encouraging prejudice against Muslims and
Arabs. Anti-Slavery International's representative, for example,
in its June 1997 submission to the Working Group on Contemporary
Forms of Slavery, of the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights in Geneva, stated:
There is a danger that wrangling over slavery can distract
us from abuses which are actually part of government policy
- which we do not believe slavery to be. Unless accurately
reported, the issue can become a tool for indiscriminate
and wholly undeserved prejudice against Arabs and Muslims.
I am worried that some media reports of "slave
markets", stocked by Arab slave traders - which I
consider distort reality - fuel such prejudice.
Allegations that Sudan possessed weapons of mass destruction
technology
Baroness Cox claimed in the House of Lords on 17 February
this year. that Sudan had access to chemical and biological
warfare weapons, and that in addition four hundred Scud missiles
had been secretly transferred to Sudan from Iraq since the
end of the Gulf War, quite an accomplishment given the no-fly
zones over Iraq, given strict United Nations sanctions and
supervision of the one international port allowed to function,
given the unprecedented level of allied intelligence surveillance
on Iraq, and given the fact that Iraq only possessed 200 to
start with, most of which were used during the Gulf War itself.
It did not come as a big surprise, therefore, when Reuters
reported on the very same day that the White House, an implacable
enemy of the government of Sudan, flatly denied such claims:
We have no credible evidence that Iraq has exported
weapons of mass destruction technology to other countries
since the (1991) Gulf War.
Baroness Cox's claims were also repeatedly contradicted by
the British government, another opponent of the Khartoum government.
Tony Lloyd MP, the Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office, stated in the House of Commons on 10 March 1998 in
connection with Baroness Cox's claims, that the British government
"cannot validate those reports, and is not aware of any
fresh or substantiated evidence on the matter". On the
19 March 1998, Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean, the Foreign
Office minister in the Lords, in replying to a question about
a source cited by Baroness Cox in her weapons of mass destruction
technology claims, stated that the government was:
unable to corroborate many of the details. Moreover,
we know that some of the claims made in the paper are
untrue.
This points once again to poor judgment on behalf of Baroness
Cox in publicly repeating very serious claims which were unfounded
and untrue.
Why no coverage in the Daily Telegraph of massacres of
Muslim civilians by the SPLA?
The simple question that must be asked is why there was no
coverage by the Daily Telegraph of the raids on Muslim
communities which so clearly appear to have provoked similar
raids on southern communities in Bahr al-Ghazal? There are
several possible answers to this particular question.
One possible answer may be that the Daily Telegraph
and its reporters were aware of the massacres and raids carried
out on Muslim communities by SPLA raiders, but chose not to
report on these raids and massacres because the northern communities
were Muslim, and not "Christian". It is well-known
that the Daily Telegraph's distinguished editor Charles
Moore is a devout Christian, as are many of his colleagues
on the paper, and ultimately the Daily Telegraph can
of course choose only to report on allegations of violence
towards Christian communities in Sudan and elsewhere. That
is their prerogative. If this is the option which the Daily
Telegraph has chosen to pursue, it should make this clear
and abandon any claim to objectivity, independence or balance
in its coverage of Sudan and the Sudanese conflict. Reporting
on civil wars is always difficult, but is made all the more
difficult if one appears to have taken sides.
A second possible answer for the absence of coverage by the
Daily Telegraph of the raids on Muslim communities
which in turn provoked the raids it did chose to report is
perhaps the result of somewhat poor, undemanding journalism
on behalf of the Daily Telegraph. A ten minute search
on the internet by even the most inexperienced Daily Telegraph
journalist would have been sufficient to bring up the Agence
France Presse reports which provide such a crucial chronological
background to the claims made by Baroness Cox, and unquestioningly
reported by the Daily Telegraph. The reports by Agence
France Presse show a pattern of systematic devastation,
over a hundred murders, 68 villages and encampments partially
destroyed, two millions dollars worth of damage. One would
have thought that such an elementary review of very immediate
and current news items on Sudan would have been an elementary
procedure before publishing a major news item on the country,
and particularly one which contained claims of genocide.
A third possible answer may be because the Daily Telegraph
accepted at face value the claims made by Baroness Cox. If
this is the case then the Daily Telegraph has quite
simply shown bad judgment. Baroness Cox may well be a friend
of Charles Moore and his associates, but she is in no way
an independent observer of events in Sudan. Indeed, she is
a supporter of the Sudanese rebels who are waging war in that
country, and directly responsible for provoking the very actions
she then calls genocide. Additionally, several of her previous
claims, and claims of groups she heads, regarding the Sudanese
government have been criticised, challenged or contradicted
by, amongst others, Anti-Slavery International, African Rights
and the British and American governments, organisations and
governments hostile to the government of Sudan.
At the very least the Daily Telegraph has demonstrated
poor research skills and somewhat undemanding journalism,
a disturbing combination given the claims of genocide it chose
to feature on its front page.
As mentioned above, it is of course the absolute prerogative
of the Daily Telegraph to form its own opinion on Sudan,
even if that means ignoring the devastation of Muslim communities
while deeming similar raids on Christian communities, as provoked
by, and in response to the attacks on Muslims, to be "genocide".
What is somewhat disturbing is that what is presented as the
Daily Telegraph's in-house perspective on Sudan appears
to be based on inaccurate and flawed information. The Daily
Telegraph's Foreign Editor, for example, has stated that:
The Daily Telegraph, in common with other newspapers,
tends to believe the war is perpetuated by the government's
efforts to impose Islamic custom and sharia upon an African
population in the South who are largely Christian and
Animist.
In outlining this rationalisation of the Daily Telegraph's
stance on Sudan, the Foreign Editor provided a prime example
of the lazy assumptions that have characterised attitudes
towards Sudan. The Daily Telegraph is clearly unaware,
or chooses not to be aware, of the fact that southern Sudan
has been exempt from Islamic sharia law since 1991.
The ten states that make up southern Sudan are governed by
their own laws. Once again, this is a matter of record and
is documented by the American State Department in their definitive
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. Southern
Sudan's position with regard to Islamic sharia law
is clearly stated in these reports:
Sudan's 1991 Criminal Act, based on Shari'a law, (prescribes)
specific "hudud" punishments.The Government
officially exempts the 10 Southern States, whose population
is mostly non-Muslim, from parts of the 1991 Criminal
Act. But the Act permits the possible future application
of Shari'a law in the south, if the local state assemblies
so decide.
Even the American government has admitted that sharia
law is not applied in the south. It must also be stated that
the Daily Telegraph's recent coverage of Sudan, even
before the claims of genocide which it chose to carry, has
been less than accurate. While one can always understand and
even expect a degree of subjectivity in the reporting of a
journalist, what is less forgivable are blatent untruths.
The Daily Telegraph claimed in May 1998, for example,
that southern Sudan is "largely Christian". This
is a crucial inaccuracy. Christians account for less than
one-fifth of the southern population, and there appear to
be marginally more Christians than Muslims. The Economist
Intelligence Unit country profile of Sudan 1994-95, for
example, records that Christians account for 15 percent of
the southern population. This figure is carried in Human Rights
Watch/Africa's 1996 report on Sudan. Sudan - A Country
Study, the definitive United States government guide,
published by the Federal Research division and Library of
Congress, states that:
In the early 1990s possibly no more than 10 percent
of southern Sudan's population was Christian.
By far the majority of southerners are neither Christian nor
Muslim, and are adherents of native animist religions. Was
the Daily Telegraph's claim, in this instance, simply
poor journalism, bad research or wishful thinking? It is disappointing
that the Daily Telegraph, as a newspaper of record,
would make such a basic mistake in its coverage of Sudan.
Together with the confusion of the Daily Telegraph's
foreign staff over the exemption of sharia law in southern
Sudan, it is perhaps a clear example of the mythology that
appears to have replaced objective coverage of Sudan and its
problems. Claims of a "Christian south", forced
to live under sharia law, with all the implications
for religious conflict, merely perpetuate an inaccurate stereotype
of Sudan, and an equally inaccurate and superficial context
for the Sudanese conflict.
However much some groups may wish it to be, the Sudanese civil
war is not in essence about religion. The Sudanese civil war,
for example, predates the present Islamic government by 34
years. The conflict is, and has always been about the political
status of southern Sudan. Despite its stated concern about
southern Sudan, the Daily Telegraph appears to be unaware
that in 1997 the present Sudanese government guaranteed an
internationally-supervised referendum whereby the people of
southern Sudan, for the first time ever, can choose whether
to stay within a united Sudan or opt for independence.
Returning, in conclusion, to the Daily Telegraph and
the claims of genocide made by Baroness Cox, it is a matter
of record that the human rights organisation African Rights,
for example, has described previous, and equally grave, claims
by Baroness Cox about slavery in Sudan, as "overeager
or misinformed", and that such claims have "played
upon lazy assumptions to raise public outrage". We would
suggest that her claims about genocide in Bahr al-Ghazal province
are equally "overeager or misinformed", and have
also "played upon lazy assumptions to raise public outrage".
What is disturbing is that the Daily Telegraph, one
of Britain's finest newspapers, has provided Baroness Cox
with front page coverage of her claims.
What is perhaps even more worrying is that this incident is
only the latest manifestation of an anti-Sudanese standpoint
bordering on Islamophobia. The Daily Telegraph may
well detest the government of Sudan, and may well support
the rebel war against the government, based it would seem
on lazy, and equally inaccurate, assumptions of its own. By
its deafening silence on the issue of the repeated southern
rebel raids on Muslim civilian communities, however, the Daily
Telegraph is in danger of appearing to turn a blind eye
to those massacres, and other gross abuses of human rights,
simply because they were carried out against Muslims.
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